What's wrong with Irish parties?

The Irish Times' political correspondent Stephen Collins made a sharp observation two weeks ago.

That it was refracted through the nearly mandatory anti-Fianna Fáil bias of the Times does not invalidate its accuracy. In "Misuse of political labels can lead to bad politics", Collins took aim at how political labels are used in Irish politics not to demarcate, but to dissemble. He also nailed just why the Ahern-led government should be remembered as a titanic failure: "a lack of coherence in [that] government about what it stood for."

He correctly diagnosed the source of that incoherence - "the ambivalence on the part of many politicians and a substantial chunk of the electorate to the State itself. While the exchequer was widely regarded as a source of largesse to be exploited by fair means or foul, there was no corresponding loyalty to the State as an institution." 

The fault for this he lays fairly and squarely at the feet of Fianna Fáil, quoting one minister as saying that FF members had a deep sense of loyalty to the party and the nation but not to the State.

All very true. 

But what Collins is probably incapable of recognising is that this ambivalence cuts both ways, and was equally held by the two major rivals to Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Labour Party. 

In the case of the latter two, however, the ambivalence was towards the Irish nation. 

Fine Gael has long preferred a facile, utilitarian concept of the State, rather than conceiving it as one of the highest expressions of Irish nationhood. But then, FG is the party of the shame-filled Irishman. The timid 'pragmatist' who yearns to disappear into the approved cultural, ideological and legal norms that he hears are popular abroad. Using the state-apparatus to complete the assimilation of the Irish nation into hegemonic norms comes naturally to these people.

Labour, of course, has only ever been about one class. It relies upon a naive egalitarian narrative, one that does no justice to either human nature or Irish society. So, in keeping with its founding scriptures, it needs to ignore the inconvenient differences that exist between individuals, families, and classes. 

This reductionist tendency was rejuvenated greatly by the Democratic Left coup, resulting in a party that will seek to level Irish nationality into the formula of 'any provenance with a passport'.

Consider, for a moment, the aims and ideals that each party puts forth on its respective site. 

Fianna Fáil's constitution is a wonder of audacity. It unashamedly lays claim to ideals that must be those of any normal, self-respecting patriot. 

These ideals are not the sole preserve of any political party. On principle alone, this ground should never have been yielded to FF by its political rivals. Each ought to have explicitly incorporated these same aims into their own constitutions.

Talk about setting the frame. De Valera, clearly, was an unacknowledged master of the art. No wonder Fianna Fáil dominated Irish political life for so many decades. They don't just sound like they're on the side of the Irish nation - they sound like they're the only ones.

Now, instead of doing the smart thing - and the right thing - both Fine Gael and Labour attempted to market themselves as not-Fianna Fáil. And thus, by definition, not really on the side of the historic Irish nation.

(It could hardly have been a fully conscious decision, surely? Especially given how infrequently the electorate have awarded them the reins of power since the foundation of the State?)

Fine Gael's "values" are so word-fully anodyne that they could have put out the Chernobyl fires. 

As for Labour, its four principles must be understood by the light of their underlying philosophy. It then becomes clear that these principles are markers of where they intend to hollow out the marrow and substance of Irish national life. All must and will be made accessible, indistinct, and uniform - in the interests of equality.

And let us not forget, universal equality is so contrary to nature that it demands the fullest intervention of the modern state. And we come again to that ambivalence towards the nation, and the idea of the Irish as a problem that needs to be fixed by more of what broke it in the first place: the ideology of progress and modernity.

I suppose the one consolation is that, contrary to the wishes of Collins and others, although Fianna Fáil is down, it's not out. Because despite its many flaws, within this democratic system, it remains the only political party that is, in principle, on the side of the Irish nation.

And that means, until another party rises that can convincingly match that appeal, Fianna Fáil will remain the only one worth entrusting the care of the State to, for any significant length of time...or, at least, til we restore our national monarchy, and begin to take seriously the task of national regeneration.